U.S. Backstabbing, Duplicity, and Diversion in Kosovo
source WIKILEAKS : http://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/299114_geopolitical-intelligence-report-russia-kosovo-and-the.html
This is the first installment of material based on the Statfor e-mails. I chose the topic of Kosovo for this first piece because I have been actively covering the situation in Serbia, this is for educational purposes and should give you and insight into the thinking that goes behind U.S. policy making and in the formation of U.S. foreign policy.
To start out there was a response from a client from Sacramento California to the piece that I am going to go into in a minute by the founder and president of Statfor. The reason I decided to publish it is because it shows what is the more or less common thinking by Americans to the situation in Serbia and it also shows that U.S. policy is formed without taking into account the opinion of the public who pays the salaries of the elected officials implementing policy as they see fit and for their own ends.
The e-mail is from one Frank W. sending mail using a local Sacramento California domain. In my opinion he made some good points. The subject of the e-mail was published on December 18, 2007.
Here I am, an inveterate communist hater and yet I am pulling for Russia on this. Why? Because the U.S. has no business siding with or aiding the Kosovans in what they do. The Kosovans are Muslims, which means they are our enemies. They even allied -- as did the Bosnian Muslims - in WWII with the Germans in slaughtering hundreds of thousands of Christian Serbs and opposing the Allies, whereas the Serbs were our allies, and saved hundreds (if not thousands) of American and British airmen who were shot down in that area.
In the 90s, the U.S. went against the Serbs because it suited Clinton's political purposes by demonizing them to draw attention away from his pittypat with Monica, and drawing DNC money from Red China, in exchange for arranging the supply of our missile technology to them, as well as making other financial committments to them, such as the import of 600,000 AK47s immediately prior to the changes to the Gun Control Act in 1994. Clinton has been and continues to be slime in every respect and his political ambitions have placed America in jeopardy and worked against America's allies. So in the end, it is not really the Russians I am pulling for, but the Serbs. They deserve much, much better from us -- and even separate from them, we had no right to strike a deal with the Russians on the issue and then backstab them.
In the 21st century, threats to America are coming from Red China and Islam, and any American leadership should recognize the need to gather with all others with out common interests (Russia, Europe, India, and some of the far Eastern nations) into a mutually protective coalition. We have no business making enemies of them.
George Friedman’s piece on the other hand has some serious
problems and it is frightening that such ideas are used to implement policy. The
utter contempt and arrogance with which he writes about Russia is also
disturbing.
Kosovo appears to be
an archaic topic. The Yugoslavian question was a
1990s issue, while the Kosovo issue has appeared to be one of those conflicts
that never quite goes away but isn't regarded very seriously by the
international community. You hear about it but you don't care about it. However,
Kosovo is getting very serious again.
The United States and Europe appear committed to making Kosovo, now a province of Serbia, an independent state. (1) Of course, Serbia opposes this, but more important, so does Russia. Russia opposed the original conflict, but at that point it was weak and its wishes were irrelevant. (2) Russia opposes independence for Kosovo now, and it is far from the weak state it was in 1999 -- and is not likely to take this quietly. Kosovo's potential as a flash point between Russia and the West makes it important again. Let's therefore review the action to this point. (1) IT SHOULD NOT BE UP TO THEM. (2)THE ONLY THING THE U.S. RESPECTS IS BRUTE FORCE AND POWER THIS JUST SHOWS THAT FURTHER.
In 1999, NATO, led by the United
States, conducted a 60-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia and its main
component, Serbia. The issue was the
charge (3) that Yugoslavia was sponsoring the mass
murder of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, just as it had against Bosnian Muslims.
The campaign aimed to force the Yugoslav army out of Kosovo while allowing a
NATO force to occupy and administer the province. (3)
YES THE “CHARGE”, THERE WAS NO EVIDENCE,
MOST OF THE “CRIMES” AND ATROCITIES FOR WHICH THE SERBS WERE BLAMED WERE LATER
DISCOVERED TO HAVE BEEN OUTRIGHT LIES BUT AT THAT POINT IT WAS TOO LATE AND
NOBODY CARED.
Two strands led to this action. The
first was the fear that the demonstrable
atrocities committed by Serbs
(4) in Bosnia were being repeated in Kosovo. The second was the general feeling
dominant in the 1990s that the international community's primary task was
dealing with rogue states behaving in ways that violated international norms. In
other words, it was assumed that there was a general international consensus on
how the world should look, that
the United States was the leader of this international consensus and that there
was no power that could threaten the United States or the unity of the vision.
There were only weak, isolated rogue states that had to be dealt with. There was
no real risk attached to these operations. (5)
Yugoslavia was identified as one of those rogue states.
The United States, without the United
Nations (6) but with the backing of most European
countries, dealt with it. (4)
NO MENTION OF ALBANIAN ATROCITIES (5) NO REASON GIVEN.
(6)
ADMITS THERE WAS NO UN MANDATE
There was no question that Serbs
committed massive atrocities in Bosnia, and that
Bosnians and Croats carried out massive
atrocities against Serbs. These atrocities occurred
in the context of Yugoslavia's explosion after the end of the Cold War.
Yugoslavia had been part of an arc running from the Danube to the Hindu Kush,
frozen into place by the Cold War. Muslims had been divided by the line, with
some living in the former Soviet Union but most on the other side. The Yugoslav
state consisted of Catholics, Orthodox Christians and Muslims; it was communist
but anti-Soviet and cooperated with the United States. It was an artificial
state imposed on multiple nationalities by the victors of World War I and held
in place after World War II by the force field created by U.S.-Soviet power.
When the Soviets fell, the force field collapsed and Yugoslavia detonated,
followed later by the rest of the arc.
The
NATO mission, then, was to stabilize the
western end of this arc, Yugoslavia.
The strategy was to abolish the
multinational state created after World War I and replace it with a series of
nation-states -- such as Slovenia and Macedonia -- built around a coherent
national unit. (7) This would stabilize Yugoslavia.
The problem with this plan was that each nation-state would contain substantial
ethnic minorities, regardless of attempts to redraw the borders. Thus, Bosnia
contains Serbs. But the theory was that small states overwhelmingly consisting
of one nationality could remain stable in the face of ethnic diversity so long
as there was a dominant nation -- unlike Yugoslavia, where there was no central
national grouping. (7) NO MENTION
OF PREVENTING GENOCIDE OR OTHER HUMANITARIAN ISSUES, DIVIDE AND CONQUER.
So
NATO decided to re-engineer the Balkans
much as they were re-engineered after World War I.
(8) NATO and the United States got caught in a weird intellectual trap. On the
one hand, there was an absolute consensus that the post-World War II borders of
Europe were sacrosanct. If that wasn't the case, then Hungarians living in
Romanian Transylvania might want to rejoin Hungary, Turkish regions of Cyprus
might want to join Turkey, Germany might want to reclaim Silesia and Northern
Ireland might want to secede from the United Kingdom. All hell could break
loose, and one of the ways Europe avoided hell after 1945 was a cardinal rule:
No borders would shift. (8) IS
PART OF NATO’S MANDATE NATION BUILDING? WTF?
The re-engineering of Yugoslavia was
not seen as changing borders. Rather, it was seen
as eliminating a completely artificial
state (9) and freeing genuine nations to have their
own states. But it was assumed that the historic borders of those states could
not be changed merely because of the presence of other ethnic groups
concentrated in a region. So the desire of Bosnian Serbs to join Serbia was
rejected, both because of the atrocious behavior of the Bosnian Serbs and
because it would have shifted the historic borders of Bosnia.
If all of this seems a bit tortured,
please recall the hubris of the West in the 1990s. Anything was possible,
including re-engineering the land of the south Slavs, as Yugoslavia's name
translates in English. (10) (9) THE ARROGANCE IS UNBELEIVEABLE. (10)
UNBELIEVEABLE!!
In all of this, Serbia was seen as the problem. Rather than
viewing Yugoslavia as a general failed project, Serbia was seen not so much as
part of the failure but as an intrinsically egregious actor that had to be
treated differently than the rest, given its behavior, particularly against the
Bosnians. When it appeared that the Serbs were repeating their actions in Bosnia
against Albanian Muslims in 1999, the United States and other NATO allies felt
they had to intervene.
In fact, the level of
atrocities in Kosovo never approached
what happened in Bosnia, nor what the Clinton administration said was going on
before and during the war. At one point, it was said that hundreds of thousands
of men were missing, and later that 10,000 had been killed and bodies were being
dissolved in acid. The post-war analysis never revealed any atrocities on this
order of magnitude. But that was not the point. (11)
The point was that the United States had shifted to a post-Cold War attitude,
and that since there were no real
threats against the United States, (12) the primary
mission of foreign policy was dealing with minor rogue states, preventing
genocide and re-engineering unstable regions. People have sought explanations
for the Kosovo war in vast and complex conspiracies. The
fact is that the motivation was a complex
web of domestic political concerns (13) and a
genuine belief that the primary mission was to improve the world.
(11) LIES LIES LIES (12) NO THREAT TO THE
US AND HE COULD HAVE ADDED OR ITS ALLIES (13) MOTIVATION A WEB OF POLITICAL
CONCERNS, PEOPLE WERE KILLED AND BOMBED FOR U.S. POLITICAL CONCERNS.
The United States dealt with its concerns over Kosovo by
conducting a 60-day bombing campaign designed to force Yugoslavia to withdraw
from Kosovo and allow NATO forces in. The Yugoslav government, effectively the
same as the Serbian government by then, showed remarkable resilience, and the
air campaign was not nearly as effective as the air forces had hoped. The United
States needed a war-ending strategy. This is where the Russians came in.
Russia was weak and ineffective, but
it was Serbia's only major ally. The
United States prevailed on the Russians
to initiate diplomatic contacts and persuade the Serbs that their position was
isolated and hopeless. The carrot was that the United State agreed that Russian
peacekeeping troops would participate in Kosovo.
This was crucial for the Serbians, as it seemed to guarantee the interests of
Serbia in Kosovo, as well as the rights of Serbs living in Kosovo. The deal
brokered by the Russians called for a withdrawal of the Serbian army from Kosovo
and entry into Kosovo of a joint NATO-Russian force, with the Russians
guaranteeing that Kosovo would remain part of Serbia.
(14) ADMITS THAT U.S. LIED TO
RUSSIA TO END THEIR OWN BLOODY MESS!
This ended the war, but the Russians were never permitted --
let alone encouraged -- to take their role in Serbia. The Russians were excluded
from the Kosovo Force (KFOR) decision-making process and were isolated from
NATO's main force. When Russian troops took control of the airport in Pristina
in Kosovo at the end of the war, they were surrounded by NATO troops. (15) A
FACT WE NEED TO INVESTIGATE FURTHER, WHY WHY WHY?
In effect, NATO and the United States reneged on their
agreement with Russia. Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the Russian Foreign
Ministry caved in the face of this reneging, leaving the Russian military --
which had ordered the Kosovo intervention -- hanging. In 1999, this was a fairly
risk-free move by the West. The Russians were in no position to act.
The degree to which Yeltsin's
humiliation in Kosovo led to the rise of Vladimir Putin
is not fully understood.
(16) Putin represented a faction in the intelligence-military community that
regarded Kosovo as the last straw. There were, of course, other important
factors leading to the rise of Putin, but
the Russian perception that the United
States had double-crossed them in an act of supreme contempt was a significant
factor. (17) Putin came to office committed to
regaining Russian intellectual influence after Yeltsin's inertia. (16) ADMITS
IGNORANCE. (17) COMPLETELY FALSE ASSUMPTION, DID ANYONE ASK ANY RUSSIANS ON
THIS?
The
current decision by the United States and
some European countries to grant independence to Kosovo must be viewed in this
context. First, it is the only case in Yugoslavia in which borders are to shift
because of the presence of a minority. Second, it continues the policy of
re-engineering Yugoslavia. Third, it proceeds without either a U.N. or NATO
mandate, as an action supported by independent nations -- including the United
States and Germany. Finally, it flies in the face of Russian wishes. (18) WHERE
IS THE TALK OF ABUSED ALBANIANS? WHO THE HELL GIVES THEM THE RIGHT TO RE-EGINEER
COUNTRIES? THEY HAVE DESTROYED SERBIA AND KILLED THOUSANDS TO PROVOKE RUSSIA?
This last one is the critical point.
The Russians clearly are concerned that this would open the door for the further
redrawing of borders, paving the way for Chechen independence movements, for
example. But that isn't the real issue. The real issue is that Serbia is an ally
of Russia, and the Russians do not want Kosovar independence to happen. From
Putin's point of view, he came to power because the West simply wouldn't take
Russian wishes seriously. (19) If there were a
repeat of that display of indifference, his own authority would be seriously
weakened. (19) DID HE ASK
PRESIDENT PUTIN?
Putin is rebuilding the Russian sphere
of influence in the former Soviet Union. He is meeting with the Belarusians over
reintegration. (false) He is warning Ukraine not to flirt with NATO membership.
He is reasserting Russian power in
the Caucasus and Central Asia. His theme is simple: Russia is near and strong;
NATO is far away and weak. He is trying to define Russian power in the region.
Though Kosovo is admittedly peripheral to this region, if no European power is
willing to openly challenge Russian troops in Kosovo, then Russia will have
succeeded in portraying NATO as a weak and unreliable force.
If the
United States and some European powers
can create an independent Kosovo without regard to Russian wishes, Putin's
prestige in Russia and the psychological foundations of his grand strategy will
suffer a huge blow. If Kosovo is granted
independence outside the context of the United Nations, where Russia has veto
power, he will be facing the same crisis Yeltsin did. If he repeats Yeltsin's
capitulation, he will face substantial consequences. Putin and the Russians
repeatedly have warned that they wouldn't accept independence for Kosovo, and
that such an act would lead to an uncontrollable crisis. Thus
far, the Western powers involved appear to have dismissed this. In our view,
they shouldn't. It is not so much what Putin wants as the consequences for Putin
if he does not act. He cannot afford to acquiesce.
He will create a crisis. (20) THE
WRITER ASSUMES TO KNOW RUSSIAN STRATEGY AND INTENTIONS. HISTORY HAS PROVEN HIM
WRONG.
Putin has two levers. One is economic. The natural gas flowing
to Europe, particularly to Germany, is critical for the Europeans. Putin has a
large war chest saved from high energy prices. He can live without exports
longer than the Germans can live without imports. It is assumed that he wouldn't
carry out this cutoff. This assumption does not take into account how important
the Kosovo issue is to the Russians.
The second option is what we might call the "light military"
option. Assume that Putin would send a battalion or two of troops by air to
Belgrade, load them onto trucks and send them toward Pristina, claiming this as
Russia's right under agreements made in 1999. Assume a squadron of Russian
aircraft would be sent to Belgrade as well. A Russian naval squadron, including
the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov, already is headed to the Mediterranean .
Obviously, this is not a force that could impose anything on NATO. But would the
Germans, for example, be prepared to open fire on these troops?
If that
happened, there are other areas of
interest to Russia and the West where Russia could exert decisive military
power, such as the Baltic states. If Russian troops were to enter the Baltics,
would NATO rush reinforcements there to fight them? The Russian light military
threat in Kosovo is that any action there could lead to a Russian reaction
elsewhere.
The re-engineering
of the Balkans always has assumed that there is no broader geopolitical price
involved. (21) Granting Kosovo independence would
put Russia in a position in which interests that it regards as fundamental are
challenged. Even if the West
doesn't see (22) why this should be the case, the
Russians have made clear that it is so -- and have made statements essentially
locking themselves into a response or forcing themselves to accept humiliation.
Re-engineering a region where there is no risk is one thing; re-engineering a
region where there is substantial risk is another.
(21) UNBELIEVEABLE
(22)
DOES THE WEST EVER SEE?
In our view, the
Russians would actually welcome a crisis. Putin wants to demonstrate that Russia
is a great power. That would influence thinking throughout the former Soviet
Union, sobering eastern Central Europe as well -- and Poland in particular.
Confronting the West as an equal and backing it into a corner is exactly what he
would like. In our view, Putin will seize the Kosovo issue not because it is of
value in and of itself but because it gives him a platform to move his strategic
policy forward. (23) MORE REASONS TO BEAT THE DRUMS
OF WAR
The Germans have neither the resources
nor the appetite for such a crisis.
The
Americans, bogged down in the Islamic world, are hardly in a position to deal
with a crisis over Kosovo. The Russian view is that the West has not reviewed
its policies in the Balkans since 1999 and has not grasped that the geopolitics
of the situation have changed. Nor,
in our view, has Washington or Berlin grasped that a confrontation is exactly
what the Russians are looking for. (24) AGAIN DID HE BOTHER TO ASK ANYONE WHO
KNOWS ANYTHING ABOUT RUSSIA? THIS IS B.S.
We expect the West to postpone independence again, and to keep postponing it. But the Albanians might force the issue by declaring unilateral independence. The Russians would actually be delighted to see this. But here is the basic fact: For the United States and its allies, Kosovo is a side issue of no great importance. For the Russians, it is both a hot-button issue and a strategic opportunity. The Russians won't roll over this time. And the asymmetry of perceptions is what crises are made of. (25) THE ARROGANCE ID NAUSEATING, MEANWHILE PEOPLE ARE DYING AND A NATION HAS BEEN DESTROYED! A SIDE ISSUE OF NO GREAT IMPORTANCE?
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